Line on lobbying

It's important that the public knows who is being paid to try to influence state government, and by whom

Now that lobbyist Meredith Norris, former state lottery commissioner Kevin L. Geddings and former lottery company executive Alan Middleton have been charged with failing to register as lobbyists during the push to bring a lottery to North Carolina, it may be fair to ask, "What's the fuss?" Lots of people press their opinions on state legislators, even if the professionals often serve theirs up with attractive favors, fancy trips and lucrative fundraising parties. What's the big deal whether or not the public knows the details?

But the details are critically important, and Colon Willoughby, the Wake County district attorney, is to be commended for taking the matter seriously.

A court will have to determine whether the activities of the three defendants actually fit the legal definition of lobbying, and thus should have required them to register with the secretary of state's office. But Willoughby properly moved with dispatch to file the charges after the State Board of Elections referred the matter to him.

After all, he was looking at evidence -- first reported in The N&O -- that Norris had bought meals for legislators while on the payroll of lottery vendor Scientific Games. He had evidence that Geddings, also being paid by Scientific Games, had prepped state Sen. Tony Rand on pro-lottery points before a debate, and that Middleton had joined Norris and Geddings in treating Rand to an after-debate meal.

Lobbying by any sensible definition occurs when someone is paid by a special interest to advocate public policy. It is an activity that certainly has its place. But the public should and does have a stake when hired public-relations guns roam Jones Street in a bid to shape laws and policies. That starts with knowing which lobbyist is on whose payroll, and continues with disclosure of favors rendered.

The aim of lobbyist registration isn't to limit the activity, but to keep the scorecard so that the public, and legislators for that matter, can identify the players and gauge their influence. Geddings, Middleton and Norris -- who also was the unpaid political director for House Speaker Jim Black -- need to be held to that standard if their actions are judged to have crossed the advocacy line.

Any of those three who is convicted on the misdemeanor charge of failing to register faces fines and the loss of lobbying privileges for two years. Stiffening those penalties would make potential lawbreakers think harder before sniffing at the requirement.

The legislature last year closed a significant loophole by requiring lobbyists to report nearly all their expenses. But lawmakers now should move ahead with other reforms that practically scream for passage. One would ban nearly all gifts from lobbyists and their clients. Gifts shouldn't be part of the lobbyist-legislator relationship.

Another provision is aimed at stopping the unseemly shaking down of lobbyists by legislators who solicit contributions for their campaigns. And the General Assembly should readily approve Governor Easley's request to spend $506,000 to help Secretary of State Elaine Marshall improve oversight of lobbyists. It would be a solid investment in cleaner government.