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Blackwater survives rough time

Amid investigations and lawsuits, military contractor gets new business and grows.

- Staff Writer

Published: Sun, May. 18, 2008 12:30AM

Modified Sun, May. 18, 2008 04:36AM

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Blackwater was all over the news last fall, and the news wasn't good. The North Carolina company created a diplomatic crisis when its guards killed 17 Iraqi civilians in a Baghdad square.

The Iraqi government promised to evict the company from Iraq. Blackwater's reclusive owner, Erik Prince, was called to Congress to testify; afterward, he began a public relations blitz of the national media. He even appeared on "60 Minutes."

Today the trouble has subsided. Last month, the State Department renewed its contract with Blackwater to provide security in Iraq. It's still in Afghanistan for the military. In the fall, Blackwater won a new contract for $92 million to fly soldiers and cargo around Afghanistan, Pakistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan for the military. It was one of five companies picked to support the Pentagon's Counter Narcoterrorism Technology Program, a five-year contract worth up to $15 billion.

BLACKWATER EXECS ACCUSED OF PLAYING HARDBALL AT HOME

In January 2006, Blackwater suspected that one of its accounting managers was secretly sharing trade secrets with a competitor. The manager, Curtis Smith, said he was brought into a conference room at Blackwater to meet with Bill Mathews, an executive vice president.

In a court filing, Smith said Mathews had a reputation for wild and violent behavior and was known to carry concealed weapons.

"A year earlier, during Smith's job interview, Mathews had waved two handguns in the air. Smith had also been informed that Mathews had once kicked in a conference room door and burst in with a rifle."

In the room were two Blackwater executives, both former Navy SEALs, "capable of inflicting serious bodily injury with their bare hands."

Mathews produced a sworn statement with Smith's name on it and told Smith he had one opportunity to sign the document. Smith said he found several mistakes.

"Each time Smith identified a misstatement, Mathews became aggressive in tone and physical posturing. ... Smith feared for his personal safety [and] ... believed that he was not free to leave the room and that he had no choice but to sign the document."

Smith signed the document. When Blackwater sued him and two other men for stealing trade secrets, Smith countersued Blackwater for wrongful imprisonment.

In court papers, Blackwater said Smith's claim was nonsense, an attempt to limit his legal liability: "Smith stole Blackwater's secrets. He got caught and confessed his misconduct. Now he is having second thoughts about doing so."

The two parties settled out of court after an initial court ruling in favor of Blackwater.

JOSEPH NEFF

As the company grows, so do its headaches: a persistent congressional investigation, several high-profile lawsuits and a federal weapons investigation. Still, Blackwater is thriving because of its aggressive and entrepreneurial business culture and a strong network of Republican connections. The company has hired extensively from the top levels of the CIA, Defense Department and State Department, and it named the former No. 2 official at the CIA to its board of advisors.

"Their connections certainly help a lot," said Peter Singer, an expert on military contractors at the Brookings Institution. "But they may be a vulnerability in the future, if the regime changes in Washington."

This is a company that barely existed at the start of the decade; Blackwater grew from $204,000 in federal contracts in 2000 to almost $600 million in 2006. Its rise is a case study in business timing and the power of financial and political capital to take advantage of a new market.

Started by two SEALs

Blackwater Lodge and Training Center was the brainchild of Al Clark, a Navy SEAL and instructor. Dissatisfied with the Navy's rented training grounds, Clark told colleagues he would open his own when he left the service. Clark hooked up with Erik Prince, a young Navy SEAL who shared his interest in training. Clark didn't know it at the time, but Prince was an heir to a billion-dollar auto-parts fortune.

In 1997, when the two broke ground on Blackwater Lodge and Training Center in Currituck and Camden counties, the timing was good. The military had closed and consolidated bases after the Cold War and neglected training facilities. Blackwater built the largest shooting facility in the country, with indoor ranges, mock urban landscapes, a 1,200-yard firing range, driving tracks and a lake for naval training. Blackwater boasted it could design any sort of training a client might want.

The location was excellent, within four hours of the Pentagon, Fort Bragg and Camp Lejeune. The country's biggest naval base was less than an hour away in Norfolk, Va. Despite the steady stream of business, Blackwater wasn't making money. Clark recalled how Prince summoned him to his office on Christmas Eve 1999 and said, "I want this place profitable tomorrow."

Clark said his relations with Prince went downhill when Prince complained that he was training the students so well that no one would come back for more training.

Clark left Blackwater in the summer of 2000. Business was growing steadily, Clark said, but the company wasn't making a profit.

"There are two people who put Blackwater on the map," Clark said -- "Al Clark and Osama bin Laden."

joseph.neff@newsobserver.com or (919) 829-4516

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