The typical lobbyist is friendly and smooth-talking.

Don Beason -- gruff, blunt and stern-eyed -- doesn't fit the mold.

Top legislators say they like Beason, who was ranked as the most effective lobbyist last session, because he gives solid information and he's honest.

"The operative word with Don Beason is 'professionalism,' " said Rep. Richard Morgan, a former Republican House speaker from Moore County.

But there might be other reasons for Beason's success, too. He has skillfully worked with his business clients to direct money to top legislators' campaigns and to cover the costs of their political meetings and events.

The General Assembly is considering regulating lobbyists more closely, but the revisions that lawmakers propose would leave untouched some areas where Beason has been most successful.

They would still allow unlimited spending on the legislative caucuses and other nonprofit-backed events that Beason often sponsors. And they still would not require lobbyists to report how much money they steer into political campaigns.

"I don't think it will make one bit of difference," said Zeb Alley, another top lobbyist. "As long as [all lobbyists are] operating under the same rules, you'll pretty much find that Don Beason will remain a pretty effective lobbyist."

Last year, Beason was rated first in effectiveness by the N.C. Center for Public Policy Research. The center's ranking is based on a survey of lawmakers, lobbyists and reporters who cover state government. Beason moved ahead of Alley, who had long held the top spot.

Tall and meticulously dressed, Beason, 66, isn't one for small talk. He rarely works the rank-and-file lawmakers on Jones Street, and he carries little more than a cell phone. He operates out of a nondescript office just north of downtown that is often closed; he has no secretarial staff.

But few can match him at getting things done.

Time and money

A former top aide to two Republican governors, Beason is close to legislative leaders in both parties. That's due, at least in part, to money. In addition to the normal wining and dining of lawmakers, he and his clients frequently write big checks to cover the costs of legislative leaders' political meetings and other events.

In May, for example, when the House convened for a day at the historic courthouse in Edenton, Beason and his clients chipped in $20,000 -- nearly half the cost of the $47,000 event. Edenton is the home of House Rules Chairman Bill Culpepper, who serves as House Speaker Jim Black's traffic cop on legislation.

Some Beason clients also spend heavily on legislative leaders' political campaigns.

In the past two-year election cycle, campaign reports show that S&M Brands of Keysville, Va., gave $100,000 to Morgan's political group and $77,000 in campaign donations to Black, Morgan and their legislative allies. They have helped S&M and other small cigarette companies stave off having to pay into an escrow account to cover future lawsuits by the states over tobacco-related health costs.

When Beason's firm represented the video poker industry from 1999 to 2002, those with video poker ties donated about $800,000 to North Carolina campaigns, according to Democracy North Carolina, a nonpartisan campaign finance watchdog. Black is a big beneficiary, and he has prevented legislation that would ban the machines.

Like other lobbyists, Beason takes lawmakers out to dinner, though he said he does it less than some competitors. But as with many lobbyists, the expense reports he and his clients file with the North Carolina secretary of state show no spending on lawmakers. This is because of a "goodwill loophole" that allows such expenses to remain secret if no specific legislation is discussed.

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