Even with his vetoes, Josh Stein goes moderate. That’s about to be tested. | Opinion 

The era of the combative veto is over. Welcome to the era of the calculated veto.

Gov. Josh Stein issued the first three vetoes of his term on Friday, blocking two bills that would expand state cooperation with immigration enforcement and another that would allow gun owners to carry concealed without a permit.

All three were expected. But how exactly the Democrat would deliver them was an open question. The answer came late in the afternoon, in messages that were clean, careful — and conspicuously moderate.

Gone was the self-righteous thunder of the last eight years. Stein doesn’t veto like a fighter. He vetoes like a moderate.

It’s a sharp break from his predecessor. Former Gov. Roy Cooper wielded the veto pen like a political cudgel, using his messages to rally the base and blast Republicans. He called bills “shams” and “conspiracies,” casting Republicans as dangerous or downright cruel. And he did so a record 104 times, more than every previous North Carolina governor combined, times three.

Stein’s first three veto messages were more reserved, aiming to appear pragmatic — even agreeable — while still landing squarely on the side of progressive orthodoxy. It’s Democratic governance with the volume turned down. He’s still siding with his party, just doing it in a tone meant to sound moderate, measured, and above the fray.

Two paths to the same destination

All three vetoes came near the end of Stein’s allotted time to act. And they were nearly foregone conclusions: each bill touched a third rail of Democratic politics.

The immigration bills were relatively modest measures designed to assist President Donald Trump’s efforts to deport people in the country illegally. Senate Bill 153 would empower state law enforcement to carry out federal immigration laws. House Bill 318 would require sheriffs to notify ICE about detainees accused of serious crimes.

The third bill, Senate Bill 50, was a familiar flashpoint for gun control activists. It would allow anyone over 18 to carry a concealed handgun without a permit, a policy already law in 30 other states.

Republicans called the bills common-sense safety measures. Each passed with strong support from law enforcement organizations. But Cooper had vetoed similar proposals in the past, and did so loudly.

In 2019, Cooper vetoed an ICE cooperation bill with a blistering message: “This legislation is simply about scoring partisan political points and using fear to divide North Carolina.” He accused lawmakers of “partisan political pandering” and claimed the bill “weakened law enforcement.”

Stein took a gentler tack. “People who commit these crimes should be held accountable, whether or not they are here without legal authorization,” he wrote, “and those charged with serious offenses ought to receive increased scrutiny from federal immigration officials.”

Same policies. Same outcome. Different tone.

Stein’s concealed carry veto followed the same pattern. Cooper once warned permitless carry “threatens the lives of North Carolinians.” Stein, instead, wrote: “We can and should protect the right to bear arms without recklessly endangering law enforcement officers and our people.”

The difference isn’t ideological. It’s rhetorical. When Republicans passed a bill he opposed, Cooper didn’t just reject it — he tried to torch it. Stein, by contrast, frames his opposition as legalistic, not emotional.

It’s the same destination. Stein just takes the scenic route.

What comes next

Republicans aren’t buying it. The NCGOP blasted Stein as a “radical liberal” who sides with “open border policies.” House Speaker Destin Hall accused him of siding with “criminal illegal aliens and the most radical elements of his party’s base.”

Now the real test begins.

GOP leaders are already moving to override the vetoes. The gun bill veto is probably safe: Two Republicans opposed it, and no Democrats are likely to flip. But the immigration bills are more vulnerable. House Bill 318 already has a Democrat pledging to support the override. Senate Bill 153 could become law if just two Democrats are absent.

To be clear, I’m not asking Stein to channel Cooper’s bombast. I’ve long criticized Cooper for turning every policy dispute into a moral crisis. But the truth is: it worked. Cooper’s vetoes weren’t just statements—they were leverage. He kept his caucus tight and made it politically painful to defect.

Stein’s softer tone may play well with independents. But if his vetoes start to fall, don’t be surprised if he stops playing nice. Because moderation, in Stein’s hands, isn’t a worldview. It’s a strategy.