15 years after 9/11, US stuck in the forever war

At the time of the 10th anniversary of the 9/11 attacks, many felt our conflict with al-Qaida and like-minded violent extremist organizations had turned a corner. Bin Laden was dead. al-Qaida was in shambles. Young Egyptians had toppled a dictator through nonviolent protest. A wave of change seemed to be rippling through the Arab world.

Five years later, we have no choice but to recognize these cold stark realities: Violent Muslim extremist organizations are entrenched, the Middle East is an absolute mess and likely to remain that way for quite some time, and the United States, as well as our allies in Europe and elsewhere, will continue to be targets and victims of terrorist violence.

We are stuck in what seems like a forever war.

We are stuck because, on the one hand, our enemy cannot be totally defeated and, on the other, we cannot withdraw from this conflict without exposing our country and the world to more violence and instability.

Our enemies cannot quickly be defeated because the ideology that fuels groups like al-Qaida and ISIS is powerful and compelling to many. The core historical narrative of this ideology blames the West for causing deep social harm to Muslim civilizations for generations. The extremist narrative provides no answers for how to advance the interests of Muslims in the 21st century and relies on grotesque violence, but its critique of Western colonialism, support for authoritarian rulers and military interventionism in the Middle East resonate with a portion of Muslims in the region. What we hate to admit in the West is that these ideas endure because they are based, in part, on historical truth.

Near-term victory is also impossible because the system of governance in the Arab Middle East and parts of South Asia and North Africa cannot provide the security and prosperity necessary to erode support for our enemies. Indeed, the deeply corrupted authoritarian state system that maintained stability in this region for generations is now under siege. Powerful forces like sectarianism and the Persian/Arab rivalry will make good governance even harder to achieve. The wait for alternatives to secular authoritarianism (Egypt), oppressive theocracy (Iran, Saudi Arabia, ISIS) and chaos (Syria, Libya, Yemen, Afghanistan, Somalia and Iraq) is likely to be quite lengthy.

Throwing our hands up in frustration and hoping we can isolate ourselves from the world’s problems is an exercise in denial. We have seen the by-products of this false hope in downtown Manhattan 15 years ago and more recently in San Bernardino and Orlando.

It would be wonderful if some other country could lead the fight against globalized anti-Western extremist organizations or if governments under siege by the extremists could solve the problem on their own. But the record over the years has shown quite clearly that, like it or not, America is the indispensable nation. As the tragedy of the Syrian civil war has demonstrated, if we don’t lead, things get worse.

So how should we deal with this conflict that came to our shores 15 years ago?

▪ First, we should openly redefine success. Continuing to promise total defeat of resilient extremist groups will breed frustration and cynicism. Indeed, we have clearly demonstrated in both Afghanistan and Iraq that total suppression of these organizations cannot be accomplished at anything approaching a reasonable, sustainable cost.

Our main goal should be to reduce these organizations’ power and capabilities so they cannot threaten sovereign states, control large swaths of territory and oppress civilian populations. We also want to degrade their ability to conduct terrorist attacks.

As hard as it is to admit, success means gradual progress over the course of many years (or even decades), with inevitable setbacks and at least some successful terrorist attacks.

▪ Second, despite a war-weary nation that wants to focus on domestic problems, we must continue to be engaged – militarily, diplomatically and economically – where the problems are: the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia.

▪ Third, we have to be prepared to use tools of war. It is simply too dangerous to allow al-Qaida, ISIS and like-minded groups to control territory or operate openly with impunity. Military force is the only way to dislodge them from territory and push their operations underground.

▪ Fourth, U.S. military force should be used as little as possible. The greatest blow to Muslim extremist organizations is when other Muslims fight and defeat them. Calibrating our involvement is a constant challenge. We have to engage deeply enough to convince regional forces that we are a reliable partner, but not so extensively that regional forces come to believe the U.S. will solve this problem for them.

▪ Fifth, our national leaders and media should stop over-hyping the power of our enemies.

While we should never underestimate their ability to cause harm and destruction, al-Qaida, ISIS and their associates do not even come close to threatening the foundations of the United States or Western liberal democracy.

Our leaders should emphasize how weak these movement are instead of stoking public fears.

And the media should also take a hard look at whether terrorism-related news saturation is making these extremist groups seem more powerful than they really are.

▪ Sixth, let’s try to increase public confidence by focusing more on our successes than failures. A perfect record on preventing attacks even approaching the scale of 9/11 has been a substantial achievement. The responsible government agencies – the FBI, CIA, Department of Defense, Department of Justice, Department of Homeland Security and local police forces – deserve credit.

▪ Finally, we need to maintain our humanity despite the intractable nature of this conflict.

To be sure, our country suffered a severe blow on 9/11.

But the “forever war” has been causing unspeakable horrors in many places around the globe for many years. As we remember those lost on 9/11, it is important to mourn as well the over 400,000 people who have died and the many millions of men, women and children suffering from the ravages of the Syrian civil war. A great nation like ours can both protect itself and provide refuge for those in desperate need.

Here at home, we have to improve our treatment of Muslim-Americans. I have spoken to Muslims all across our country. Their stories of the bigotry and hardship they have endured are heartbreaking and, frankly, disgusting. America can do a lot better.

As these recommendations suggest, understanding the long-term nature of this conflict and developing realistic expectations for what the future holds will be helpful for both our policymakers and our society.

But a healthy dose of realism today does not mean we should accept a future of permanent war. Patience and persistence in war will, I hope, lead us closer to a state of peace. As President Kennedy said, “Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all peoples to see it, draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly toward it.”

That should be our modest, but achievable, goal on this solemn anniversary.

This story was originally published September 10, 2016 at 6:00 PM with the headline "15 years after 9/11, US stuck in the forever war."